Do the Poor Count?: Democratic Institutions and by Michelle M. Taylor-Robinson

By Michelle M. Taylor-Robinson

Latin America’s flirtation with neoliberal monetary restructuring within the Nineteen Eighties and Nineties (the so-called Washington Consensus approach) had the influence of accelerating source of revenue inequality in the course of the zone. the purpose of this financial coverage was once partially to create the stipulations for strong democracy through making sure effective financial use of assets, either human and capital, however the widening hole among wealthy and bad threatened to undermine political balance. on the middle of the hindrance confronted by way of those new democracies is the query of responsibility: Are all electorate both in a position to maintaining the govt dependable if it doesn't signify their pursuits? during this ebook, Michelle Taylor-Robinson investigates either the formal associations of democracy (such as electoral ideas and the layout of the legislative and govt branches) and casual associations (such because the nomination systems of political events and patron-client relationships) to work out what incentives legislators need to be aware of the desires of negative humans and thereby appropriately characterize their interests.

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I would like to defend the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge). Constituents (rich or poor) who view a policy as a long-range goal requiring a public relations campaign to increase support for the issue should reward the legislator’s efforts, provided they can observe those efforts occurring. 13. Actors with unequal monitoring and sanctioning resources may have compatible preferences. In that case, following Tsebelis’s (1995) idea that two veto players with the same preferences can be viewed as a single veto player, the two principals become one, though they face a coordination challenge in policing their elected official.

17. Public financing for campaigns could help level the playing field in this regard. 18. Even with primaries, voters may still only have limited control over candidate selection. S. Democratic and Republican parties have acquired increased influence over the types of candidates offered to voters in the primary elections by directing campaign contributions to and grooming extreme candidates, while discouraging moderates (Fleisher and Bond 2004). Bachrach and Baratz (1970) and Lukes (1974, 2005) argue that elites band together to limit the choice set available to nonelites.

Democratic and Republican parties have acquired increased influence over the types of candidates offered to voters in the primary elections by directing campaign contributions to and grooming extreme candidates, while discouraging moderates (Fleisher and Bond 2004). Bachrach and Baratz (1970) and Lukes (1974, 2005) argue that elites band together to limit the choice set available to nonelites. Taylor FM-End 9/14/10 11:36 AM Page 35 theorizing representation and accountability 35 a promised health clinic in their neighborhood (Stokes 1995).

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